At the end of July, Red Spark was invited to send two delegates to Caracas, Venezuela, to attend several anti-imperialist conferences: the Forum for a Humane Humanity, the People’s Summit for Peace and Against War and the ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America – Peoples’ Trade Treaty) conference. These came at an important time for the Bolivarian revolution begun under the leadership of Hugo Chavez. The socialist regime has faced down significant campaigns from a US-supported Right, with current leader Nicolás Maduro winning a majority of 51.2% of the vote for president in 2024. The conferences also preceded municipal elections, held on 27July, whose results indicate the regimes enduring popularity. The trip allowed our delegates to visit communal projects that underpin the revolution’s popular support, especially among the poor. What follows is a report on our delegates’ experiences.

As we left the Simón Bolivar International Airport, we were provided with the clear juxtaposition of the inequalities of Venezuela’s past and the Bolivarian Revolution’s commitment to reverse these since the election of Chávez at the end of 1998. Barrios scale hillsides, a hodge-podge unplanned suburb of poorly constructed houses with poor sanitation and little access to electricity and clean water. However, in the foreground, a block of new apartments stood, symbolic of Venezuela’s revolution, growth and socialist path.

In Venezuela, the housing project is not just a government scheme, but a community initiative as well. We visited the ‘Nueva Comunidad Socialista 22 de Enero – Chacao’ which is an element of the Venezuelan ‘Movimiento de Pobladoras y Pobladores’, aka the Settler’s Movement. This organisation seizes unused land from the bourgeoisie to build housing and small enterprises in urban areas. At the settlement we visited, five large apartments have been constructed, supporting five stories and two homes on each floor. Each apartment contains three bedrooms and two bathrooms, with a kitchen and living space that extend out onto a balcony. The Settlers are inspired by the Venezuelan constitution, rewritten by the Chávistas in 1999, which grants the right to housing. Recognising this right, the people expropriate land which has been left vacant or unused. This is a form of popular organisation indicative of the remaining health of Venezuela’s Revolution. Much of the progress is led by grassroots organisations, with some support or approval from the state.

When we visited, a large group representing each family housed by the settlement had gathered to discuss the building of another apartment. This process required the clearing of earth and rubbish left behind by the bourgeoisie, however a local candidate who had previously promised to supply the trucks which would carry the removed earth and rubbish was not responding to calls. An agreement was made to hire the trucks if the candidate did not follow through. After more phone calls and sending a video of all the members chanting, the local candidate responded stating that he will fulfill his promise, so the hiring of trucks was not necessary. This collective also discusses and delegates tasks including childcare, security and construction. To fulfill these roles families must offer twenty hours per week of labor for the project – a considered and democratic initiative.

Another initiative aimed at raising consciousness and the quality of life in Venezuela is Otro Beta. This grassroots program attempts to mobilise the barrios and the disenfranchised youth who inhabit them. Jorge Vilalta, one of the organisers behind Otro Beta, explained some of the tasks involved, such as showing the population of these areas the importance of supporting the Bolivarian project. For example, the right wing has specifically targeted young people and people from the barrios to mobilise against the government, paying them to participate in anti-government demonstrations, vote against the PSUV, or disrupt democratic processes. This tactic grew in prevalence during the crises caused by the increasing sanctions in the mid-2010s. Otro Beta’s ethos is to meet the youth where they are at. This involves organising small parties and sharing casual conversation with them – without the drugs which plague these communities. Once a relationship is established, Otro Beta provides support, including vocational and life education, to the barrio youth. These programs attempt to shift people towards productive labour. Currently, the popular programs include hair and beauty, mechanics and electronics. The program has seen massive success, with more than 7000 students graduating and working in areas of interest. This is 7000 graduates earning an income, providing a service, and who have had a political education while they’ve had their vocational education. Basically, 7000 now conscious and engaged people of Venezuela, a significant contribution towards their Bolivarian project.

FROM COMMUNAL PROJECTS TO ANTI-IMPERIALIST CONFERENCES

Leading up to the municipal elections on 27 July, the ‘Forum for a Humane Humanity’ was held by the Simon Bolivar Institute. International delegates from Latin America and Africa affirmed Simon Bolivar’s anti-imperialist message. It emphasised solidarity with worldwide anti-imperialist struggle, wherever there are people fighting for humanity to be free and equal. The struggle of Palestine was particularly emphasized. According to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, if Bolivar had the capabilities he would liberate Palestine, not co-opt it; not ignore it, but win the struggle. It has recognised that the genocide in Palestine is a symptom of the changing world order. Challenges to genocide in Latin America, he said, are hindered by compliant states and reactionary forces. For example, the Catholic Church in Latin America has declared that those who defend Zionism are pious.

While speakers from across Latin America affirmed their commitment to this anti-imperialist perspective, representatives from the Sahel discussed the challenges of neocolonialism, neoliberalism, a comprador and a capitalist class; all flanked by the farce of electoral politics. It is these conditions, they argued, which determine the need for a scientific socialist project in the Sahel. While facing various sanctions and French infiltration, the Sahel has strived to develop economic autonomy through the nationalism of mines, building of factories and refineries, and the distribution of government support for agriculture. Like the Cuban revolution, the Sahel has begun to organise its population into defense committees and grassroots organisations. For the Sahel, a federation has been formed in which members from each country will discuss and work together for the progress and autonomy of the region. This was identified as an adaptation of Simón Bolivar’s vision of a united Latin America.

A second conference which ran parallel to the Forum, focused on the growth and direction of ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America – Peoples’ Trade Treaty). The achievements of ALBA include the development of courses and training which support socialism and sovereignty. [see www.youtube.com/watch?v=XB4gQWjjFwY for a recent documentary on the network]. Blanca Eekhout, President of the Simón Bolivar Institute, identified that ALBA has remained dedicated to its program of socialism and Pan-Latin-American solidarity, while other similar movements have weakened or turned to the enemy. It was revealed that over the next year ALBA aims to unify its actions of: defense and support of Haiti, education and development in Haiti, breaking into the barrios around Venezuela, support more brigades to Cuba, and continued actions against the genocide in Palestine. There was a targeted and specific mention of the media sphere and the goals of ALBA in that space. Specifically, the coordination and collaboration on production, training and integration. The conference recognised the need for more support offered to women due to the growing anti-female abuse from the right wing. In response to this abuse, ALBA will provide childcare and integrate more feminism into their educationals. Not all delegates were happy with this ‘steady and she goes’ attitude, and one speaker argued for the need to shift tactics from one of defense to one of attack. The meeting ended with Rander Peña, the Executive Secretary, sharing some emotive words, first, recognising the sacrifice inherent in political work, “Some of us give all our lives to make the rest of humanity happy. We can make mistakes, but we cannot surrender.” and secondly stating, “Happiness is abstract, but the reason to smile is specific, and that is what we must defend.”

Participants of both conferences joined finally in the “Cumbre de los pueblos por la Paz Y En Contra de la Guerra” (People’s Summit for Peace and Against War) held in a brutalist, geometric building. Inside the hall, delegates from various countries gathered, notably Rander Peńa from Venezuela, Almaza Ahmed T.S. Maarouf – a Palestinian organiser and activist from Europe, and Maria Paula Giménez, one of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo from Argentina. These presenters discussed the current world order, the symptoms of its decline and ways to encourage its collapse. One identified way is the formation of new alliances, which do not involve the US, and to encourage multipolarity. BRICS was explained as an economic version of this. A debate occurred over the role of social media in the ideological battle, while Rander finished with a classification of the seven trends in Latin American fascism:

• Religious evangelicalism weaponised for the right wing
• Seizure of the judiciary to control elections and civil society.
• Neocolonialism
• Authoritarian territorialisation
• Radicalisation
• Normalisation and vocalising of hate speech.
• Fake news and control of the digital space.

On 27 July, the municipal elections were held, revealing a popular turnout, with all the strengths and weaknesses of any such electoral process, indicating none of the lack of democracy so commonly claimed by opponents of the Venezuelan regime. 44% of possible voters turned out to vote on the day, a result standard in Venezuela’s mayoral elections given there was a 42% turnout at the previous municipal elections. We got the opportunity to visit Venezuela’s rigorous and transparent voting process. To vote, voters must enter a polling booth, at which they will prove their identity with their fingerprint and ID card. Once their identity is confirmed, the voting machine will unlock and allow them to electronically vote. These voting machines count their electronic vote and print out a paper copy of their vote which will be placed into a sealed ballot box. This process ensures that voters can only vote once, and that both the electronic and physical ballot can be checked by their opposite.

It was this very voting process which produced a resounding win for socialism. The pro-government alliance, Great Patriotic Pole, won 285 out of 335 mayoralities, translating to 23 out of 29 municipalities. These results were celebrated by Maduro and his supporters on the night of the event, with Maduro declaring “Today the historic victory of the revolutionary popular bloc has been consolidated.” As a testament to Venezuela’s political and voting system, the opposition obtained 50 mayoralities, mostly in their traditional strongholds. Regardless of this, the current elections should offer a sigh of relief to socialists. Venezuela’s system is not as under threat as what was revealed in last year’s presidential elections. The PSUV and their supporters have gained a significant majority, and the popular organisations are still pushing forward with their programs. As with the conferences and the “from below” settlements and communes we visited, this does not mean there are no imperfections, no problems, no contradictions to the situation. How else could it be when you are a Global South opponent to the most powerful empire in history? Understanding the context, the Bolivarian revolution remains a light – however flickering, however imperfect – in the darkness of 21st Century imperialism.